God's declaration of Truth


Luke Chapter 19

The words of Our Only Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ in red.

19:10 "For the Son of man is come to seek and to save that which was lost."
19:11 As they were hearing these things, he added and spoke a parable, because he was nigh to Jerusalem and because they thought that the kingdom of God should immediately be manifested.
19:12 He said therefore: "a certain nobleman went into a far country, to receive for himself a kingdom and to return.
19:13 And calling his ten servants, he gave them ten pounds and said to them: Trade till I come.
19:14 But his citizens hated him and they sent an delegation after him, saying: 'We will not have this man to reign over us.'
19:15 And it came to pass that he returned, having received the kingdom: and he commanded his servants to be called, to whom he had given the money, that he might know how much every man had gained by trading,
19:16 And the first came saying: 'Lord, thy pound hath gained ten pounds.'
19:17 And he said to him: 'Well done, thou good servant, because thou hast been faithful in a little, thou shalt have power over ten cities.'
19:18 And the second came, saying: 'Lord, thy pound hath gained five pounds.'
19:19 And he said to him: 'Be thou also over five cities.'
19:20 And another came, saying: ' Lord, behold here is thy pound, which I have kept laid up in a napkin.
19:21 For I feared thee, because thou art an austere man: thou takest up what thou didst not lay down: and thou reapest that which thou didst not sow.'
19:22 He saith to him: 'Out of thy own mouth I judge thee, thou wicked servant. Thou knewest that I was an austere man, taking up what I laid not down and reaping that which I did not sow.
19:23 And why then didst thou not give my money into the bank, that at my coming I might have exacted it with usury?'
19:24 And he said to them that stood by: 'Take the pound away from him and give it to him that hath ten pounds.'
19:25 And they said to him: 'Lord, he hath ten pounds.'
19:26 But I say to you that to every one that hath shall be given, and he shall abound: and from him that hath not, even that which he hath shall be taken from him.
19:27 But as for those my enemies, who would not have me reign over them, bring them hither and slay them in my presence."
19:28 And having said these things, he went before, going up to Jerusalem.
19:29 And it came to pass, when he was come nigh to Bethphage and Bethania, unto the mount called Olivet, he sent two of his disciples,
19:30 Saying: "Go into the town which is over against you, at your entering into which you shall find the colt of an ass tied, on which no man ever hath sitten: loose it and bring it.
19:31 And if any man shall ask you: 'Why are you loosing it?' You shall say thus unto him: Because the Lord hath need of it.' "
19:32 And they that were sent went their way and found the colt standing, as he said unto them.
19:33 And as they were loosing the colt, the owners thereof said to them: "Why are you loosing it?
19:34 But they said: "Because the Lord has need of it."
19:35 And they brought it to Jesus. And casting their cloaks over the colt, they set Jesus on it.
19:36 And as he went, they spread their cloaks upon the road.
19:37 And when he was drawing near, being now at the descent of the Mount of Olives, the whole company of his disciples began to rejoice and to praise God with a loud voice, for all the miracles that they had seen,
19:38 Saying: "Blessed is he who comes as king, in the name of the Lord! Peace in heaven and glory in the highest!"
19:39 And some of the Pharisees, from the crowds, said to him: "Master, rebuke thy disciples."
19:40 He said to them: "I tell you that if these keep silence, the stones will cry out."
19:41 And when he drew near, seeing the city, he wept over it, saying:
19:42 "If thou also hadst known, and that in this thy day, the things that are to thy peace: but now they are hidden from thy eyes.
19:43 For the days shall come upon thee: and thy enemies shall cast a trench about thee and compass thee round and straiten thee on every side,
19:44 And beat thee flat to the ground, and thy children who are in thee. And they shall not leave in thee a stone upon a stone: because thou hast not known the time of thy visitation."
19:45 And entering into the temple, he began to cast out them that sold therein and them that bought.
19:46 Saying to them: "It is written: My house is the house of prayer. But you have made it a den of thieves."
19:47 And he was teaching daily in the temple. And the chief priests and the scribes and the rulers of the people sought to destroy him.
19:48 And they found not what to do to him: for all the people were very attentive to hear him.

The Second Epistle of St. Paul to the Thessalonians

The day of the Lord is not to come till the man of sin be revealed. The apostle's teachings are to be observed.

2:1 And we beseech you, brethren, by the coming of our Lord Jesus Christ and of our gathering together unto him:
2:2 That you be not easily moved from your sense nor be terrified, neither by spirit nor by word nor by epistle. as sent from us, as if the day of the Lord were at hand.

Chap. 2. Ver. 2. Spirit . . . utterance. . . letter indicate three possible sources of their belief that the parousia is imminent. Spirit refers to some falsely claimed revelation, utterance may be a statement of Paul’s which was misunderstood, or wrongly attributed to him, the letter seems to be one forged in Paul’s name.

2:3 Let no man deceive you by any means: for unless there come a revolt first, and the man of sin be revealed, the son of perdition

Ver. 3. . . The parousia must be preceded by a great apostasy, i.e., a great religious revolt, and the advent of the man of sin, i.e., Antichrist. Son of perdition, one entirely deserving of eternal punishment.

Ver. 3. The day of the Lord will not come. These words have been inserted to complete the sentence, which in the original is elliptical. The expanded reads "Let no man deceive you by any means: for the day of the Lord will not come unless there come a revolt first, and the man of sin be revealed, the son of perdition"

2:4 Who opposeth and is lifted up above all that is called God or that is worshipped, so that he sitteth in the temple of God, shewing himself as if he were God.

Ver. 4. In the temple, that of Apostate Jerusalem which the full consensus of the Church Fathers declare he will rebuild - i.e. the Temple of Remphan; and in the Apostate shell of the former Christian church, which he perverts to his own worship: as the Freemasons have done to the Vatican.

Ver. 4. Antichrist will be characterized by great impiety and pride. He sits in the temple of God, etc. He will aspire to be treated as God and proclaim that he is really God.

2:5 Remember you not that, when I was yet with you, I told you these things?
2:6 And now you know what restrains him, that he may be revealed in his proper time.

Ver. 6. What restrains him. The Thessalonians knew the obstacle. We also know that it is Jesus Christ.

2:7 For the mystery of iniquity is already at work: only that he who is at present restraining it, does still restrain, until he is gotten out of the way.

Ver. 7. Mystery of iniquity, the evil power of Satan’s threefold prevarication and total Apostasy from God, of which Antichrist is to be the public exponent and champion. He who is at present restraining it. The obstacle is now spoken of as a person. Some point out that Michael the archangel and his heavenly army are obstacles, and this is true, which now prevent the appearance of Antichrist – but the primary obstacle is, as St. Justin Martyr teaches: Jesus Christ Himself; when the great Apostasy is complete, then in effect, Christ is “gotten out of the way.”

2:8 And then that wicked one shall be revealed: whom the Lord Jesus shall kill with the spirit of his mouth and shall destroy with the brightness of his coming: him

Ver. 8. When Christ appears in glory, He will inflict defeat and death on Antichrist by a mere word of command.
2:9 Whose coming is according to the working of Satan, in all power and signs and lying wonders:

Ver. 9 – 10. By the aid of Satan Antichrist will perform prodigies which men will falsely regard as miracles, and by means of which they will be led to adopt sinful practices.

2:10 And with all wicked deception to those who are perishing. For they have not received the love of truth that they might be saved.
2:11 Therefore God shall send them the operation of error, to believe lying:

Ver. 11. God shall send. . .That is God shall suffer them to be deceived by lying wonders, and false miracles, in punishment of their not entertaining the love of truth.
Ver. 11. 'God sends.' God will allow their willful rejection of truth to have its natural results of spiritual blindness, impenitence and damnation. A misleading influence, or, “a delusion.” The operation of error - the Greek reads: "energian planes" or literally the energy of delusion, which is exactly and actually the fallen spirits of the devils and demons conjured by pagan religion, especially by idolatry. NOW, currently, the Assisi delusion of the Apostates, Ratzinger and Wojtyla and many others present with them, is a very real and prime example. To give oneself over to this is to invite utter and complete damnation of oneself by God.
2:12 That all may be judged who have not believed the truth but have consented to iniquity.

2:13 But we ought to give thanks to God always for you, brethren, beloved of God, for that God hath chosen you firstfruits unto salvation, in sanctification of the spirit and faith of the truth:
Ver. 13. First-fruits, i.e., earliest believers in the gospel. Some manuscripts read: “from the beginning.” That is, God called them from all eternity.
2:14 Whereunto also he hath called you by our gospel, unto the purchasing of the glory of our Lord Jesus Christ.

2:15 Therefore, brethren, stand fast: and hold the teachings, which you have learned, whether by word or by our epistle.
Ver. 15. Teachings, i.e., his teachings whether given orally or in writing. Concerning Apostolic teaching – the oral is included in the written at the point we have the whole New Testament complete, i.e. with the completion of St. John’s Gospel.
2:16 Now our Lord Jesus Christ himself, and God and our Father, who hath loved us and hath given us everlasting consolation and good hope in grace,

2:17 Exhort your hearts and confirm you in every good work and word.

St. Irenaeus

St. Irenaeus
St. Irenaeus Against Heresies and the warning against the Antichrist - click on picture

Blog List

A few words

The articles posted in the main here are from a variety of sources and perspectives, but all based on the unchangeable truth that all law comes from God, or if it is something that pretends a legalism but does not agree with God's law, then it is nothing lawful at all; the Noachide nonsense is the prime example of that which is not at all lawful. See the right side pane and below the posts at the bottom of the page for a number of sources that help shed light on this. All copyrighted sources are quoted and used for comment and education in accord with the nonprofit provisions of: Title 17 U.S.C., Section 107.

By Command of God


GO HERE: Traditional Catholic Prayers: Eucharist in house churches Commanded by God. To rise above the concerns of the world to the service of God.

Traditional Catholic Prayers: Office of the Hours for the Week

Go Here: The Return of Christ

And here:
Parousia of Jesus Christ Our Lord

The Promise of His coming. His commands to prepare and be worthy.

Statement of what is happening in the world in connection with the Second Coming of Our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ.

Nuzul i Isa and Qiyamah, the Parousia of Jesus Christ Our Lord and His judgement of all men that have ever lived.

Rv:22:7 Behold I come quickly. Blessed is he that keepeth the words of the prophecy of this book.

Saturday, August 4, 2012

Pentagon | Zapatistas | Mexican Military | Mexico's `Dirty War'

To make matters worse the United States has been destabilizing the Mexican Government by feeding military style small arms to Drug cartels in Mexico. See: 

Fast And Furious
 (11 articles)

FastAndFurious (6 articles)


Documents Reveal Pentagon's Scrutiny of Zapatistas and Mexican Military | Mexico |Axisoflogic.com

Documents Reveal Pentagon's Scrutiny of Zapatistas and Mexican Military 

By Kate Doyle
Wednesday, Jan 28, 2004

Americas Program, Interhemispheric Resource Center (IRC) www.americaspolicy.org

This article continues the Archivos Abiertos series of monthly reports on U.S.-Mexico relations produced by the Americas Program in collaboration with the National Security Archive in Washington, DC and its Mexico Project. As Mexico Project director Kate Doyle explains: "The main objective of the project is to challenge the myths of foreign policy--on both sides of the border." To that end, Doyle combs nearly four decades of U.S. and Mexican archives to uncover new evidence and bring to light the hidden histories behind the bilateral relationship. The results, presented in this monthly series, offer the unprecedented opportunity to separate the rhetoric from the reality, and provide a foundation for rebuilding binational diplomacy on the basis of shared interests, transparency, and citizen involvement. The original documentation, as well as previous articles, may be found at www.nsarchive.org/mexico. Your comments are welcome at .

When the United States government considered the rebellion in Chiapas, it did so through the twin lenses of its primary national interests: money and power.

The Zapatista uprising exploded on January 1, 1994, the eve of the inauguration of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). The uprising challenged an image of Mexico that had been peddled for months in the halls of the U.S. Congress in an effort to gain approval for the historic trade pact. According to the NAFTA lobby, Mexico was a modern, youthful nation, eager for change--unencumbered by the chains of its own political history or by the centuries of rural poverty and oppression.

The events of 1994 were a shock to the inflated expectations of American investors. However, U.S. military and intelligence planners weren't taken by surprise. Pentagon documents reveal that they had been following the emergence of the Zapatistas at least since early 1992. They regarded the Mexican government's response to the uprising as a window into an institution known for its supreme secrecy, silence, and resistance to public scrutiny: the Mexican armed forces.

The Mexican Army was an institution that was (and remains) resolutely closed to American engagement. The history of post-World War II security relations between the United States and Mexico is a tale of frustration on the part of U.S. military officials at their inability to penetrate the Mexican army as they had other allied militaries in the western hemisphere. Unlike many of its Central and South American neighbors, Mexico's Defense Secretariat ( Secretar�a de la Defensa-- SEDENA) consistently rejected the swollen grant aid packages of weapons and equipment that the United States offered throughout the cold war, thereby enabling it to preserve its sense of independence and distance from the colossus to the north.

Reading through hundreds of declassified cables, reports, and intelligence analyses produced by the Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) during the first twelve months of the rebellion, one learns very little about the social, political, or economic factors that lay behind the Zapatista uprising. But the documents are replete with new and interesting details about the Mexican military.

As Mexico marks the tenth anniversary of the rebellion, the country finds itself poised to challenge for the first time in modern memory the army's refusal to open itself to civilian scrutiny and influence.

Know Thy Enemy
Washington 's professed surprise at the Zapatista uprising is belied by two years of reports by Pentagon officials on suspicious and clearly subversive activities in Chiapas .

Although the Mexican government publicly portrayed early encounters with rebels in 1992 and 1993 as counternarcotics operations or contacts with Guatemalan guerrillas who had crossed the border to foment unrest, declassified DIA documents paint another picture.

In April 1992, for example, U.S. defense attach�s reported on a secret directive circulated by the Defense Secretariat's Intelligence Section placing military units on alert due to what it called �a national series of crimes.� The directive dubbed common criminals and narcotraffickers as the perpetrators, but noted that �some of them may have been executed by clandestine organizations or militants to fulfill their ideological ends.� Among the evidence of subversive activities mentioned in the document were �training camps discovered in the state of Chiapas ��

The first reference to the Zapatista army in U.S. defense documents occurred shortly after the clash between military and rebel forces in late May 1993, when SEDENA sent more than 3,000 soldiers into Chiapas on what it characterized as a civic action mission. The embassy's Defense Attach� Office (DAO) described massive maneuvers in the Ocosingo valley using �light armored vehicles, helicopter bombing support, and infiltration of parachute troops into hard to access areas.�

In its discussion of the unusual request of Chiapas ' Senator Antonio Melgar to the government for an increased military presence in his state to curb �Guatemalan guerrilla activities,� the DIA named a Mexican rebel group as the real guerrillas. The DIA cable (June 14, 1993) �tentatively identified [it] as the Zapatista National Liberation Front (FZLN).�

The DAO wrote, �The Defense Secretariat maintains a curious, yet predictable, silence on military operations conducted over the past two weeks against possible guerrillas in Chiapas . To date, the military has only publicly admitted to light casualties and the completion of civic action projects in the region.� When a public bulletin was issued by SEDENA claiming to have conducted civic action and counternarcotics activities in the area, the DIA quoted an Excelsior newspaper article that referred to the �huge hermetic secrecy� maintained by senior military officials about what was happening in Chiapas.

A secret intelligence assessment from the State Department's Bureau of Intelligence and Research (INR) written on January 3 helped explain the regime's refusal to acknowledge a rebel presence before January 1. For some time before the uprising, wrote an INR analyst, the activities of radical indigenous groups in Chiapas had triggered anxiety �at the highest level of the Mexican government.� The government maintained a strict silence on the matter, however: �Concern over the impact of political unrest on NAFTA led Salinas to downplay reports last spring of an incipient insurgency in the conflict-ridden state of Chiapas following the murders of several soldiers.�

On January 10, the Pentagon referred to the Mexican military's anger at official silence about the Zapatistas, observing that �Though the armed forces have been aware of the guerrillas' existence in Chiapas , they feel that they have been prevented from eradicating them. Eradication efforts would have entailed military operations that may have proven politically suicidal for the government.�

Military Incompetence
After several confused early assessments of the uprising, the DIA issued a secret intelligence forecast on January 5, containing a relatively accurate portrayal of what was happening:

(C/NF) Further insurrectionist violence is likely to occur in southern Mexico in the coming months.

-- The 1 January incident demonstrated highly professional planning, leadership, and operational competence of the rebel Zapata Army of National Liberation (EZLN) that took control of four towns in Chiapas .

-- The rebels are probably operating from sanctuaries along the Guatemala-Mexico border. Their sources of funding and equipment are not known.

-- The pervasive poverty in the region will probably provide the rebel cadre ample opportunity for inciting the local peasantry to further acts of violence.

(C/NF) While the insurgents are not strong enough to face the Mexican army, neither is the army capable of eradicating the rebels in hiding. The government will seek to restrain the army to avoid local complaints of army human rights abuse. A stand-off with recurring violence could frighten foreign investors and embarrass the government, affecting presidential elections in August. The government will beef up security in the region, and could be tempted into repressive tactics.

The Mexican armed forces' incompetence and lack of preparation in facing were recurring themes in the American documents. U.S. defense experts observed that the military had no real counterinsurgency capabilities, did a poor job gathering intelligence, and failed to comprehend the crucial role of public relations in �selling� their operations to the Mexican people.

The army also misrepresented its capabilities to combat the Zapatistas, even to its allies in other military institutions. During a briefing given in January 1994 by senior Mexican army officers for foreign military attach�s, the Mexicans claimed to have been monitoring the situation in Chiapas since 1983 and said they had compiled a complete list of names of individuals suspected of ties to the insurgents. The DAO's political section commented skeptically on the information in a cable written January 27:

Judging by our information from other sources, the Mexican military's claims either to having had such extensive knowledge of the EZLN and its membership prior to the outbreak of hostilities or to having reliably obtained additional names for that list since January 1 should be heavily discounted. We know, for example, that the military asked through many channels--including non-governmental sources--for contributions of names of suspected or possible members, supporters or contacts of the EZLN, and that among the lists given them was the entire list of Dominican priests in Chiapas; the names of all Mexican priests regardless of location in the country who attended the 1968 church meeting in Medell�n, Colombia, which was the beginning of the Liberation Theology movement; and all of the foreign-born Catholic priests, friars, and nuns who have worked in Chiapas since the beginning of Bishop Samuel Ruiz' incumbency as Bishop of San Cristobal (he has been Bishop there for more than three decades). We have learned reliably that all of these names are now on the Mexican military's list of known EZLN members. [�] We have been told that the military has no way of knowing whether or not most of the people on its list are, in fact, in any way involved or connected.

Faced with the mounting realization that its troops were ill-equipped to combat the rebels, SEDENA began to introduce critical changes into doctrine, training, and operations in an effort to improve both its public image and its fighting capability in the field. On the publicity front, for example, the DAO reported on April 21 that the army recognized that the Zapatistas had trounced its own feeble efforts to win Mexicans' hearts and minds: �The military is in the process of addressing this rather severe shortcoming by sending public-relations exchange teams abroad in an effort to develop a more meaningful, positive relationship with the media.�

�Talking to the press goes against the institutional nature of the Mexican army,� wrote the DAO one week later, but �for the first time the Army is attempting to put a human face on the institution.�

Reflecting what U.S. defense planners called in August 1994 �the military's determination to remedy the deficiencies revealed by the Zapatista rebellion in January,� the Mexican army created new counterinsurgency units, conducted anti-guerrilla exercises in other areas of potential conflict around the country (such a 1,500-man training exercise in Guerrero in June), and bought expensive new equipment designed for low-intensity conflicts such as the rebellion in Chiapas.

Among the purchases were four stealth aircraft--the Schweizer �Condor� plane, a motorized glider designed to provide covert surveillance capability--and Israeli-made �Aravas,� used for intelligence collection.

In a cable sent to Washington on June 20, 1994 , the DAO offered an extensive analysis of the prospects for violence as national elections neared . The office observed some of the changes that had been made by the military institution since the uprising began:

The army has developed and is prepared to execute on order an offensive contingency plan for Chiapas, and strategic plans for mobilization throughout the national territory in the event of pre- or post-election violence.
The military is updating doctrine to better prepare, strategically and tactically, to fight a protracted guerrilla war.
The military is rebuilding elements of its force structure to better fight the same type of internal enemy.
The military is upgrading its equipment to support the counterinsurgency doctrine and re-organization.

Foreigners to the Rescue
Throughout the conflict the Mexican government claimed to have evidence of �external support� for the Zapatistas--including ties to Guatemalan rebel groups, Nicaragua 's Sandinistas, the FMLN of El Salvador, and even remnants of Argentina 's former guerrilla fighters--but was never able to prove its case convincingly.

Despite the government's insistence that the guerrillas were receiving extensive foreign aid, U.S. defense officials repeatedly discounted such contacts, pointing out that it was in the regime's interest to make the Zapatista army appear a more formidable threat than it actually was.

A DIA cable of January 27, 1994 , for example, included a Mexican report on having intercepted the radio communications of Guatemalan guerrillas fighting alongside Zapatista rebels. In a comment by the political section of the Defense Attach� Office, the embassy told Washington that the report should be disregarded.

Intelligence collected on communications between Guatemalan guerrillas operating near the border with Mexico, explained the cable, indicated that they were almost always conducted in Mam or other Indian dialects, �yet Mexican army signals intelligence units, like their civilian Mexican intelligence agency counterparts, have no personnel who speak or understand any of these languages. [�] The Mexican military is trying through a variety of means to show that the EZLN force it now combats is a bigger than life underground group of vast international connections. A good portion of the Defensa claims to substantiate that image have been patently incorrect��

What the Salinas government did not publicize was the extent of foreign support received during the protracted conflict by the Mexican Army. It began with the American weapons and military equipment provided under U.S.-Mexican drug enforcement programs, but also included critical assistance from the armed forces of Britain, Chile, Argentina, and Guatemala, among other countries.

Neighboring Guatemala was a special case. Three days after the Zapatistas burst onto the scene, Salinas called his counterpart in Guatemala directly to discuss his concerns of URNG (Guatemalan National Revolutionary Unity-Unidad Revolucionaria Nacional Guatemalteca) involvement in the rebellion. President Ramiro de Le�n Carpio offered to help with intelligence about rebel movements, and Salinas sent a team of civilians and military personnel to Guatemala that night for security briefings. This team was led, according to a January 4 U.S. defense cable, by Lt. Col. Edgar Ricardo Bustamante Figueroa, head of Presidential Security and a known expert on the URNG.

The talks were followed on January 6 by a meeting at the headquarters of Guatemalan Military Zone 22 in Playa Grande between Gen. Miguel God�nez (then chief of Mexico's VII Military Region) and a group of Guatemalan commanders, including Army Chief of Staff Jos� Luis Quilo Ayuso, the head of the notoriously brutal intelligence section of the Guatemalan army (D-2), and Guatemala's chief of operations.

These meetings and others led to extensive cooperation and communication between the two militaries, as they exchanged intelligence information about their respective insurgencies, reciprocated with visits between border military detachments, and carried out coordinated counterinsurgency operations. Beginning in early 1994, the Mexican army even sent officers to attend the infamous Kaibil jungle operations course in the Pet�n (a class so demanding, wrote one U.S. defense officer, that one group of Mexican officers �was not physically able� to complete it).

According to U.S. documents, in addition to the ongoing assistance from the Guatemalan armed forces, the Mexicans received extensive help from other foreign militaries:

--According to a DIA document dated May 11, 1994 , soldiers from the British Army provided Mexico's First Military Police Brigade with training on their base at Military Camp One in Mexico City, designed to address Mexican military shortcomings in mine warfare.

-- Israel and Spain were among other countries that sent security personnel to Mexico to provide training to army and police forces, according to the same document.

--The DIA reported on November 28, 1994 , that in preparation for the inauguration of the new PRI (Institutional Revolutionary Paty-- Partido Institucional Revolucionario) governor of Chiapas in December, the Mexican military stepped up aerial surveillance over rebel-held territory, resupplied its units, and enlisted the assistance of the Chilean military to train Mexican soldiers in counter-guerrilla operations.

--In late 1994, retired Argentine military officers were reported to be advising the Mexicans in urban guerrilla warfare, to which the DIA commented on December 5, �The Argentine military has kept a watchful eye on the developments of the Mexican uprising in Chiapas . [�] They feel that [the] failure of the Zapatistas would act as a deterrent for any potential Argentine internal political violence and would be in the best interests of Argentina .�

The Zapatista rebellion did not completely change the way the Mexican armed forces operated. However, as one lengthy State Department report observed in May 1995 on what it called �the Chiapas effect,� the military had decided in the course of the uprising that it needed to create more solid combat capabilities.

�In many ways, the Mexican Army in modern times has functioned more as a highly disciplined police and rescue squad, combating narcotics trafficking and providing medical assistance and emergency rescue facilities, than as a combat force.�

With new doctrine, operations, and public relations, Mexico's armed forces have made significant gains in counterinsurgency campaigns.

Kate Doyle is director of the Mexico Project of National Security Archives and a regular contributor to the Americas Program (online at www.americaspolicy.org) of the Interhemispheric Resource Center (IRC, online at www.irc-online.org).

National Security Archive
Mexico Project
Phone - DC: (202) 994 7000
Phone - Mexico: (52 555) 574 7897


AxisofLogic.com© 2003-2012


New Details of Mexico's `Dirty War' - Los Angeles Times

New Details of Mexico's `Dirty War'

The World

A leaked draft from an inquiry commissioned by President Fox finds the government guilty of crimes against humanity in 1960s and '70s.

February 27, 2006|Hector Tobar | Times Staff Writer

MEXICO CITY — The Mexican government and military committed "crimes against humanity" through a "scorched-earth" campaign against rural guerrillas in the 1970s, according to a draft report released Sunday of the first official investigation into Mexico's "dirty war" against leftist rebels and activists.
The investigation by the country's "Special Prosecutor for Social and Political Movements of the Past" was commissioned by President Vicente Fox about a year after his election in 2000 ended decades of one-party dominance here. The Washington-based National Security Archive published the leaked draft Sunday on its website.

"The authoritarian attitude with which the Mexican state wished to control social dissent created a spiral of violence which ... led it to commit crimes against humanity, including genocide," the draft report says.
The alleged crimes outlined in the report were committed from the mid-1960s to the late 1970s under three Mexican presidents. The special prosecutor, Ignacio Carrillo Prieto, received the report from a team of 27 researchers in December.
Military and security forces executed or "disappeared" [Editor note - see Desaparecido] hundreds of Mexican civilians and "armed militants," the report says. Thousands more were tortured or illegally detained.
The extensive documentation contained in the report -- including records from the Mexican military, police and Interior Ministry -- is "absolutely unprecedented," said Kate Doyle, director of the Mexico Project for the National Security Archive.
The report details "death flights" [Ed. note - an airborne variation on Death Squads] from military bases in Acapulco and other places, in which the bodies of dozens of detained leftist activists and guerrillas were surreptitiously dumped into the Pacific Ocean.
The report also documents a Mexican army campaign to deny food to residents of areas in the southern state of Guerrero where guerrillas were operating. These and other abuses, the report says, amounted to genocide as defined by international law.
Doyle said her nonprofit group published the report because copies had been circulating among writers, historians and intellectuals in Mexico.
"The way that this has leaked out into the hands of a few people has echoes of an old style of doing things in Mexico," Doyle said.
Sources in the human rights advocacy community said they feared that prosecutor Carrillo was delaying publication of the report because of pressure from the army to censor the findings.
Carrillo has been frustrated in his attempts to prosecute a number of high-profile officials, including former President Luis Echeverria, who was interior minister during the 1968 Tlatelolco massacre of student protesters.
On Sunday, as word of the leak spread, some victims' relatives were critical of the special prosecutor.
"It's sad, but since the prosecutor's office was established, there have been no results, no one has been sentenced," said Roberto Gonzalez Contreras, 60, whose brother Alfredo disappeared during a 1971 Mexico City student demonstration.

"What we reproach the special prosecutor for is his lack of fight, his unwillingness to struggle to the end," he said.
Carrillo's office did not return calls seeking comment.
Many of the accusations in the report have been made before, as human rights groups here try to piece together what happened during Mexico's so-called dirty war -- an episode far less well known than the repression that occurred elsewhere in Latin America.
Before the release of the special prosecutor's draft report, there had been no official reckoning of the events in the late 1960s and 1970s when the government fought leftist guerrillas.
The report's authors listed hundreds of police documents and witness accounts that they said showed hundreds of "disappeared" people had died in police and military custody.
The report also offered new detail on the Mexican army's counter-insurgency in Guerrero, where teacher Genaro Vazquez had launched a Marxist guerrilla movement in the late 1960s.
The Mexican army, the report says, "devastated the region, committed a true genocide, killing them with hunger, bombing the area, illegally taking prisoner hundreds of residents to create panic."
The report says the army engaged in "pillage" of some villages and describes how soldiers entered Los Piloncillos, rounded up six men and executed them in the center of town.
"The investigative methods consisted of submitting the detained to torture so that they would identify the people who were linked, in any way, with the guerrillas," the report said. "The torture was so savage and widespread that many had their 'will broken' and collaborated with the army."
Some relatives of the disappeared said Sunday that knowing the truth of what happened a generation ago would not be enough.
"We're sure that very soon the special prosecutor will disappear because he didn't do anything, it was all just a scam," said Teresa Torres Vargas, who lost a son at the Tlatelolco massacre. "What we're hoping for now is that the case files aren't lost and that one day the guilty are punished."
Cecilia Sanchez of The Times' Mexico City Bureau contributed to this report.

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