Predecessors to Guantanamo
God and His Messiah Jesus Christ our Lord - our right and duty to witness to Him: The Illuminati: The monopoly shell game. Oil and Diamonds, reasons for the Illuminati to destroy the Middle East and Africa.:
Being a world power, there were restrictions on what the United States would commit itself to, and — as a new colonial power itself — it was not going to intervene politically or militarily for the Orange Free State or the Transvaal Republic. However, the elites, and much of the press, and the people of the United States, were sympathetic to the Boer cause.
When, at the end of the war, one of the stalwarts of the Transvaal forces, and a pioneer in another innovation of that war, the modern commando army, General Benjamin Johannes Viljoen was released from prison on the Isle of Saint Helena (where Napoleon was also isolated), there was nothing much for him to come home to. Before the way, Viljoen had been a dirt farmer, during the war, an expert on asymetical warfare, and afterwards, an exile in need of a job.
Viljoen wasn’t the only Afrikaner exile. A number of “enemy combatants” had been held in Bermuda, and like some of their carceral descendants today (to coin a phrase) in Guantanamo, could not be returned to their homeland for political reasons. Where to send them? Why Mexico, of course!
The early 20th century was the heyday of “white” settlement in northern Mexico. Porfirio Diaz’ cientificoshad, in keeping with the Social Darwinist theories of the time, assumed that European (or European-descended) immigrants would, simply on the basis of their bloodlines, improve the stock in the largely undeveloped north. So…
Exiles from the “detention centers” in Bermuda, led by Wilhelm Snyman (who was allowed to leave Bermuda for the United States) were offered a chance to buy undeveloped properties in Mexico at cut-rate prices. The Mexican government was willing not just to take the Afrikaners, but to assist them in founding an exile colony. But, the Mexican government only had so much money available and the Boers were expected to pay something for the land. And these guys were broke.
The Freedom of Information Times
World War II - The Internment of
German American Civilians
This webpage was originally created by Arthur D. Jacobs
Major, USAF Retired; Researcher: Internment in the United States during
World War II, December 7, 1941 - July 1948
Archivist Lynn Goodsell talks about various aspects of the World War II "enemy alien control" programs and related records available at the National Archives. Besides the well known internment camps in California and Nevada for people of Japanese ancestry, she noted that camps were also set up for Germans and Italians throughout the United States and Latin America. Ms. Goodsell used PowerPoint to illustrate her presentation. She also responded to questions from members of the audience. "World War II Enemy Aliens Program" was a "Know Your Records Program" held in the National Archives Research Center at 11 a.m. on Tuesday, October 13, 2009.
This web site contains research materials on the wartime treatment of U.S. and Latin Americans of German ancestry for serious researchers, students and persons seeking general information
The World War II experience of thousands of German Americans, to most, is an unknown. During World War II, the U.S. government and many Americans viewed German Americans and others of "enemy ancestry" as potentially dangerous, particularly immigrants. The government used many interrelated, constitutionally questionable methods to control persons of German ancestry, including internment, individual and group exclusion from military zones, internee exchanges, deportation, repatriation, "alien enemy" registration, travel restrictions and property confiscation.
The World War II experience of thousands of German Americans, to most, is an unknown. During World War II, the U.S. government and many Americans viewed German Americans and others of "enemy ancestry" as potentially dangerous, particularly immigrants. The government used many interrelated, constitutionally questionable methods to control persons of German ancestry, including internment, individual and group exclusion from military zones, internee exchanges, deportation, repatriation, "alien enemy" registration, travel restrictions and property confiscation.
The human cost of these civil liberties violations was high. Families were disrupted, if not destroyed, reputations ruined, homes and belongings lost. By the end of the war, 11,000 persons of German ancestry, including many American-born children, were interned.
Pressured by the United States, Latin American governments collectively arrested at least 4,050 German Latin Americans. Most were shipped in dark boat holds to the United States and interned. At least 2,000 Germans, German Americans and Latin American internees were later exchanged for Americans and Latin Americans held by the Third Reich in Germany.
The mission of this web site is to tell the story of thousands whose lives were forever changed because the United States suspected them of disloyalty. Government suspicion was based upon national origin and led to great hardship. Their story must not be forgotten. It deserves to be told. To date, it remains shrouded in history.
Please visit other areas of this web site, including the sections containing Personal Stories, Images, Media Coverage and Congressional Action, by clicking on the Site Links on the left side of your computer screen.
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Gauntanamo
None: Book Review: 'The Terror Courts' By Jess Bravin : NPR:
Excerpt
It's forgotten now, but in the days and months after the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks, none of the major arms of the national security service — not the CIA, not the FBI, not the Justice Department, not the Pentagon — contended that the federal courts were inadequate to handle the task of prosecuting and convicting terrorists. Rather, as Bravin shows, the construction of a parallel legal system was a governmental power grab: a shift of authority from the legislative and judicial branches to the executive, masterminded by Bush-era lawyers and advisers such as David Addington, the vice-presidential legal counsel known as "Cheney's Cheney," and John Yoo, who penned the so-called "torture memos" at the Justice Department. These architects of the expansive executive branch did not want an ad hoc military tribunal, such as in Nuremberg after World War II. They wanted their own permanent system, under their control, and they built it from scratch. "In effect," writes Bravin, "today's military commissions are the legal equivalent of a war of choice."
In his memoir, former U.S. president George W. Bush admits that when he was asked if waterboarding should be used against a detainee in U.S. custody, he replied “Damn right.” Despite the admission that he authorized mistreatment of detainees, Bush has not been investigated or held accountable for his actions in the United States -- or by any judicial body elsewhere. Bush has enjoyed global impunity for his role in the torture of detainees held in Guantánamo, Abu Ghraib, Bagram and secret CIA “black sites.”
On September 29, 2011, CCIJ and the US-based Center for Constitutional Rights sent a letter and draft indictment to the Attorney General of Canada calling for the investigation and prosecution of George Bush when he visited Surrey, BC on October 20, 2011. Despite a follow-up letter, they received no response.
As a result, CCIJ Legal Director Matt Eisenbrandt initiated a private prosecution in Provincial Court in Surrey against the former president on behalf of four individuals who allege they were tortured during Bush’s tenure. The four men took this step after the lack of action by the Attorney General. Over 50 human rights groups and prominent individuals signed aletter in support of the effort.
The four men, Hassan bin Attash, Sami el-Hajj, Muhammed Khan Tumaniand Murat Kurnaz, each endured years of inhumane treatment including beatings, chaining to cell walls, being hung from walls or ceilings while handcuffed, lack of access to toilets, sleep, food and water-deprivation, exposure to extreme temperatures, sensory overload and deprivation, and other horrific and illegal treatment while in U.S. custody at military bases in Afghanistan and/or at the detention facility at Guantánamo Bay. While three of the men have since been released without ever facing charges, Hassan bin Attash still remains in detention at Guantánamo Bay, though he likewise has not been formally charged with any wrongdoing.
Within only hours, CCIJ was notified that the Attorney General of British Columbia had already intervened in the case and stayed the proceedings, effectively shutting down the prosecution. Several days later, CCIJ received a letter confirming the Attorney General's intervention. CCIJ and the Center for Constitutional Rights released a statement condemning the politically motivated action.
Only later – over two weeks after Mr. Bush’s visit – did CCIJ receive a two-sentence letter from the federal Department of Justice, signed by the manager of the Correspondence Unit, acknowledging only that our correspondence had been received.
Committee against Torture
On April 20, 2012, CCIJ and CCR filed a report with the United Nations Committee against Torture, the body charged with interpreting and applying the Convention against Torture. The submission detailed the ways in which Canada violated its obligations under the Convention by failing to prosecute Mr. Bush. The report also lays out the ways in which the Attorney General of British Columbia thwarted the private prosecution. CCIJ and CCR called for the Committee to reprimand Canada for its actions and inaction in the Bush case.
The Committee examined Canada on May 21 and 22, 2012.The Canadian Press reported that Canadian officials expected to be "grilled" about the refusal to prosecute Mr. Bush. On the issue of the visits by Mr. Bush and Dick Cheney, talking points for Canada's delegation mentioned nothing about Canada's obligations under the Torture Convention but rather pointed to the complexities of torture prosecutions and the firmly entrenched principle of prosecutorial discretion in Canada. The delegation was also told to make clear that "[t]o ensure the most efficient use of resources, Canada prioritizes suspects who reside in Canada." "If pressed," the talking points said, the Canadian delegation should say they cannot comment on specific criminal complaints.
In its Concluding Observations, although not mentioning the Bush case specifically, the Committee recommended that Canada "take all necessary measures with a view to ensuring the exercise of the universal jurisdiction over persons responsible for acts of torture, including foreign perpetrators who are temporarily present in Canada." CCIJ highlighted those comments in a report to the Department of Canadian Heritage.
On November 14, 2012, CCIJ and CCR, on behalf of the four torture survivors, filed a complaint against Canada with the Committee against Torture. The complaint asks the Committee to declare that Canada violated its legal obligations under the Convention against Torture when officials refused to prosecute Mr. Bush and intervened to terminate the private prosecution. In filing the complaint, the survivors are seeking answers as to why their efforts to pursue justice were thwarted in Canada and calling for improvements in how Canada handles cases in which alleged torturers are present on Canadian soil. The complaint was accompanied by a letter from CCIJ and CCR, several annexes of documentation and a press release.
More Information
Guantanamo Psychologists
The CCIJ and CCR have also called on the Canadian government to investigate psychologists who may have been involved in abusive interrogations at Guantanamo Bay and elsewhere. Responding to reports that some Guantanamo psychologists would travel to Toronto for a convention of the American Psychological Association, the organizations sent a joint letter to Canada's Minister of Public Safety requesting an investigation into whether any APA members had a role in war crimes or torture.
Specifically, the groups pointed to significant public information concerning retired U.S. Army colonel and psychologist Dr. Larry C. James, who was a high-ranking advisor on interrogations at Guantanamo in the spring of 2003. Dr. James currently serves as the President of the APA's Division 19 for Military Psychology. From January to May 2003, Dr. James was Chief Psychologist of the Joint Intelligence Group and a senior member of the Behavioral Science Consultation Team (BSCT) in Guantanamo. Public documents and Dr. James' own book indicate that he played an influential role in interrogation and detention policy and practices at Guantanamo during a time when detainees were subjected to tactics and conditions that amounted to torture or other forms of cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment. Canadian citizen Omar Khadr is one of the prisoners who has claimed he was treated brutally in the spring of 2003 when Dr. James was stationed at the facility.
The CCIJ and CCR are calling on the Canadian government to to investigate whether action should be taken against Dr. James or others attending the APA conference who may have been involved in abusive interrogations.
Amnesty International-Canada has also issued a letter supporting the CCIJ/CCR call for action.
Read the CCIJ's press release
Access the public documents referenced in the CCIJ/CCR letter either through a list of individual documents or in a complete set available on CCR's When Healers Harm website.
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